The name dispute between Greece and Republic of Macedonia (henceforward Macedonia) is an ongoing issue since the breakup of Yugoslavia and Macedonia’s proclamation of independence in 1991. Issues involving history and tradition, as well as political questions make it so difficult for this Balkan country to move forward in the direction of NATO and the EU. The main reason is the definition of the term Macedonia itself.
Macedonia map
Source: Shutterstock
Macedonia through the course of history
In its broader geographical meaning Macedonia refers to a region in South-Eastern Europe, part of the Balkan Peninsula. Through the course of history the rulers, the countries name and borders changed multiple times. Among them was the Ancient Macedonia (Kingdom of Macedon) that reached its peak during the rule of Alexander the Great (356 BC to 323 BC). During the Roman rule it was called the Roman province of Macedonia, followed by the Middle Ages during which Bulgarian and Byzantine influences have been dominant. After the Ottoman conquest of the region around 1400, the name of Macedonia was rarely used or mentioned in primary sources of that time, as it was partitioned among the Vilayets of Kosovo, Monastir and Salonika. After the Balkan Wars Macedonia was annexed to Serbia and later become part of Yugoslavia, as Socialist Republic of Macedonia. With the breakup of Yugoslavia, Macedonia proclaimed independence in 1991, and the name issue – which was somewhat present even during the Yugoslav era – between Athens and Skopje escalated. What is the focal point of the dispute?
Through history the name Macedonia referred to different parts of land across the Balkan Peninsula.
Source: Wikipedia
After proclaiming independence from Yugoslavia, the constitutional name of the country became Republic of Macedonia – recognised by over 120 countries worldwide (amongst them Hungary, United States, Britain, Russia, China). The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) is the name used by international organisations and states which do not recognise the constitutional name (such as Greece), and this is the provisional description under which it was admitted to the United Nations in 1993. The root causes for the Athens–Skopje name dispute is the question whether a state can take a name of a wider geographical area (Macedonia) if its territory includes only one part of it (the so called Vardar Macedonia). The Greeks stand by the viewpoint that it cannot, mainly because they are fearing of a potential territorial claims on their northern territories – the largest and second most populous Greek region which also wears the name Macedonia. Athens–Skopje has other issues all well – such as the ethnicity of Alexander the Great and the two parties common history and tradition which they try to separate – but the name issue is the main reason for which Greece is vetoing Macedonia’s NATO accession, as well as the countries EU accession process and the relationship between the two countries is in constant turbulence for almost 30 years. Extreme viewpoints are present on both sides – some wanting to exclude the word Macedonia entirely from the name of the country, whilst some do not want to accept any kind of name alterations – but one of the possible win-win solution is to incorporate a geographical qualifier in the name itself – such as North Macedonia. And that is what was reached by the parties on the historic name deal – the so called Prespa Agreement – which was reached in June 2018 between Macedonian and Greek Prime Ministers, Zoran Zaev and Alexis Tsipras. But the questions is still not entirely solved.
The (un)successful referendum and what is to be expected
In July the Macedonian parliament made a decision to hold a non-binding name-referendum (one that does not entail binding legal consequences), asking its citizens the following question: Are you in favour of European Union and NATO membership by accepting the agreement between the Republic of Macedonia and the Republic of Greece? The referendum was held 30 September, but only a third of eligible electors took part – although more than 90 per cent of them voted yes – failing to secure the 50 percent turnout required to make the referendum valid. The reasons for not crossing the threshold are presumed differently. Firstly, the voter list is 1.8 million which is – considering the fact that the last census in the country was held in 2002 – questionable. According to some reports the Macedonian diaspora is much larger then thought, while voting abroad was possible only for those who registered during August and were able to travel to one of the embassies or consulates. Secondly, there was a strong anti-referendum presence on the internet: with the usage of the hashtag #Бојкотирам (boycott), opponents of the deal have called for a boycott of the referendum through different social media platforms. Even Macedonian president Gjorge Ivanov, who is from the VMRO-DPMNE opposition party, has called on the public to boycott the voting. Furthermore some suggesting that there was also a Russian interference in undermining the referendum, disabling the country’s road towards NATO and the EU.
Nevertheless, Prime Minister Zoran Zaev is determined to persuade the opposition to back the name change in the parliament, no later than 10 October. To move forward with the name-change, Macedonian parliament must vote in favour, with a two-thirds majority. Hence, if this does not happen, the only way to secure the name change in the parliament would be through early elections. The final step in the process is for it to be ratified by the Greek parliament – preferably before the beginning of their own electoral session for the Greek legislative election in 2019 October.
Macedonian Government Building, Skopje
Source: Shutterstock
Other questions raised
Macedonia as a state has a diverse ethnic structure. It is mainly populated by ethnic Macedonians, who are of Slovene origins, practice orthodox Christianity, and have their own Macedonian language. Many other ethnic groups also live in the country, amongst others: Albanians, Bulgarians, Vlachs, Turks, Roma, Greeks and Serbs. Beside the name dispute, Macedonia has some other unresolved issues. One of them is the strained relationship between the Macedonians and Albanians – the largest ethnic minority in the country. The tensions escalated to armed conflict in 2001 which ended in the same year with the so called Ohrid agreement. One of the disputes that – after a bumpy ride – has been resolved in the first quarter of 2018 was adopting the Albanian as another official national language across the country, as the previous law – established with the Ohrid agreement – applied only in areas where Albanians make up more than 20 percent of the population. Here is not the end of the Macedonian saga. The country also has other open questions with its neighbours: with Bulgaria regarding its language – some claiming that it is in fact a dialect of Bulgarian – and with Serbia regarding the Macedonian Orthodox Church which in 1967 unilaterally announced its autocephaly and independence from the Serbian Orthodox Church. The question still remains unresolved, hence neither the Serbian Orthodox Church, nor other autocephalous Orthodox churches recognize the Macedonian Orthodox Church.
Taking into consideration all of the above mention issues and ongoing processes, as well as the previous political crisis in the country, every step in the way of normalisation of the relationship shouldn’t be underestimated, because despite all the challenges, it shows an effort to maintain peace and stability in this turbulent region.